Overview
of the Political situation in Bangladesh, allegations of political violence,
and minority persecution: Some case studies
The current crisis was triggered by mass protests of
hundreds of thousands of ordinary people along with the political opposition against
what many believe to be a politically motivated International Crimes Tribunal (ICT).
As observed by Steven Kay, an expert on
international criminal law, the Bangladesh government has “withdrawn all the
constitutional rights to a fair and impartial trial that an ordinary
Bangladeshi citizen would have so it is a very unfair war crimes tribunal”.[1] Numerous international
legal experts and observers have observed that the Bangladeshi government’s
refusal to allow a fair trial sheds doubt on the validity of the allegations
and verdicts of the ICT, and strengthens the view that the ICT prosecution do
not have a case that would stand up in an impartial court of law.
Allmost 200 people have been killed and many thousands
severely injured in the past few weeks but the true extent is thought to be
much more. Human Rights Watch, whilst criticising the response from the main
opposition, has observed that “most deaths appear to have been caused by the
security forces using live ammunition.”[2] Video footage
shows police firing live and rubber bullets directly into crowds of protestors
and shooting handcuffed youth at point blank range intending to kill or maim.[3]
The polarisation within the country into two equally
forceful camps is evident. This crisis has been precipitated by a number
of key factors which are outlined below.
1.
Implications
of politicising the judiciary and undermining the rule of law
The International Commission of Jurists has stated
that, “there have been credible allegations of collusion
between the Government, prosecutors and judges”.[4] The
politicisation of the ICT and its use by the government as a political
instrument has profoundly undermined the rule of law and the independence of
the judiciary.
The ICT specifically targets members of both leading
opposition political parties. Persons who are close to the Awami League are not
investigated for war crimes, though there are strong allegations
even against the current Awami League Home Minister made by a decorated 1971
liberation war hero.[5]
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Case Study: Government puts pressure on judges and intervenes
in judicial process
Human Rights Watch states that, “Prime Minister
Sheikh Hasina was reported by media as saying she would talk to the judges to
convince them to take the sentiments of the [Shahbag] protesters into account
in formulating their decisions.”[6]
Human Rights Watch further objects to the
government’s intervention in the judicial process of the ICT when in February
2013 it passed a retroactive law within a week of the Kader Molla sentence
changing the rules of the ICT to allow the prosecution to appeal the
sentence. HRW states “a government supposedly guided by the rule of law
cannot simply pass retroactive laws to overrule court decisions when it
doesn’t like them”.[7]
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Such open pressure from the government and the Shahbag
rally on the ICT has now set a dangerous precedence for mob justice. It will be
unsurprising if the different groups so passionately contesting the Bangladeshi
political space now or even criminals feel it appropriate to demand that their
opinions should also influence or dictate court decisions.
2.
Stigmatising
opposition with various labels and allegations to justify repression
The Awami League and its supporters, in preparation
for the trials, have for many years launched a concerted campaign vilifying
Jamaat-e-Islami members as “war criminals” and “anti-liberation forces” and
creating a frenzy of public sentiment against them. The culmination of this
campaign is the ICT itself and the Shahbag rally where protestors openly called
for anyone associated with “anti liberation forces” to be boycotted, banned and
ostracized. In the context of this branding campaign the government enshrined
stigmatisation by introducing a provision in
the February 2013 law that retroactively changed the rules of the ICT;
significantly this stated that not only individuals but also “any organisation which is accused of
crimes against humanity can be brought under justice”.[8]
There is now a culture of using the “war criminal” and
“anti-liberation” label to stigmatise opponents in order to justify persecution
and attacks against them. Prime Minister Hasina has felt able to accuse opposition
BNP leader, Khaleda Zia, on 16 March 2013 of never having wanted Bangladesh’s
independence[9]
even though it is well known that Kaleda Zia’s late husband, Ziaur Rahman, was
a decorated liberation war hero and made the famous radio announcement in 1971
declaring the independence of Bangladesh.
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has even attributed garment industry fires[10] on “sabotage by
anti liberation forces”[11]
amongst a host of other problems plaguing
Bangladesh for which she has held “war criminals” liable. Indeed Brad Adam’s
has commented in Human Rights Watch’s
January 2013 report that “The government seems to view every
critic, including reputable domestic NGOs, as part of some vast conspiracy to
topple it…” [12]
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Case
Study: Child killing resulting from Awami League infighting blamed on Jamaat
17-year-old Tanvir Mohammad Toki, son of an
activist affiliated to the ruling Awami League party, was found dead on 8
March 2013. The ruling Awami League, the Shahbag rally and the media
immediately launched a campaign blaming Jamaat-e-Islami and the government
used this opportunity to carry out mass arrests of Jamaat-e-Islami members.
However, on 16 March, national media reported that Toki’s father and the
local Awami League party mayor accused the local Awami League MP, Shamim
Osman, of murdering Toki in revenge for some internal infighting.[13]
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Case Study: Shahbag rally’s slogans lead to violent attacks
against the opposition
In February 2013, the Shahbag rally in its
“Six-point Charter” demanded the death penalty for all the “war criminals”
and described several newspapers, TV stations and online blogs, banks,
medical and pharmaceutical institutions and welfare, cultural and educational
organisations as “organisations of the war criminals” calling for them to be boycotted
and banned.[14]
On 8 February, tens of thousands of people at
Shahbag swore an oath to
demand, “the arrest and severe punishment of Jamaat and Shibir members for
“anti-liberation” activities … to ban the politics of the “war criminal”
organisations Jamaat and Shibir and withdraw the citizenship of all their
members”.[15]
In the wake of this ceremony, various media
including social media were flooded with video footage of Awami League cadres
shouting Shahbag rally slogans while attacking and destroying many of the
institutions specifically named at Shahbag such as a community hospital[16] and “Retina”, a
medical school coaching centre[17]
which are affiliated to Jamaat-e-Islami.
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Case Study: Shahbag
rally demands the harassment of journalists who are critical of the ICT
On 23 February 2013, the Shahbag leaders declared
before a cheering crowd their demand for the arrest within 24 hours of
Mahmudur Rahman, the editor of a mainstream secular newspaper, Amardesh.[18] Amardesh newspaper has previously been shut down by
the government following its exposure of cases of government corruption.
Amnesty reported in
February that, “Mahmudur Rahman, editor of the Bangladeshi newspaper, Amar
Desh, is facing sedition charges after he published details of a Skype
conversation between the former chairman of the Bangladeshi court, the
International Crimes Tribunal, and a Bangladeshi legal expert based abroad ...
He has remained in his newspaper’s offices since 13 December 2012 for fear
that he would be arrested if he leaves the premises …. There are a number of
irregularities in the preparation of the charge against Mahmudur Rahman that
support the suspicion that it might be politically
motivated in order to harass him. A full report of the Skype conversation
had already been published by the UK magazine, The Economist …”[19]
The Shahbag oath ceremony and demands to boycott
newspapers were made in the context of an ongoing campaign of brutal
harassment of the media by the government and ruling party members, so the
consequences of the demands were quite predictable. Immediately previous to
Shahbag, Human rights auditor Odhikar reports that “on January 5, 2013 Chhatra League activists beat
and illegally detained Reuter’s
reporter Andrew Reaz; New Age reporter Sony Ramani; Bangla News photo
journalist Harun ar Rashid Rubel; and Prothom Alo correspondent Hassan Raja
when they were taking photos of cocktail blasts at the Dhaka University
campus. Chhatra League activists held the journalists captive after beating
them and deleted the photographs after snatching away their cameras.” [20]
Human Rights Watch reported on 14 February that it “has also received credible
reports of an arson attack on the offices of Naya Diganta, a media company
politically affiliated with the Jamaat-e-Islamiya party. At least 30 people
were injured on February 12, including the editor of the newspaper Prothom
Alo, who sources told Human Rights Watch was severely hurt by rubber
bullets in his chest. The editor and offices of Amar Desh, which
has published articles critical of the ruling Awami League party and of the
war crimes `trials, have reported threats.” [21]
Human rights auditor Odhikar further reports that on 5
February, “Daily Amar Desh and the Daily Naya Diganta and two teachers who
were critical of the government and the rally, Dr. Asif Nazrul and Dr. Piyash
Karim…were labelled by the Shahbag rally leaders as dissenters who must be
ostracised.” [22]
On 12 February 2013, “a group of criminals attacked and
set fire to the daily Naya Diganta office at Inner Circular Road in
Motijheel, Dhaka. They also set fire to a microbus in front of the newspaper
office. Furthermore, some bundles of newspapers were set on fire at different
places in the country.”[23]
Amnesty has reported in
2012 that “Journalists who write about corruption, judicial irregularities,
and human rights violations, including extrajudicial executions, rape in
custody, and other gender based violence, are particularly at risk of being
harassed by police or security agencies, detained on politically motivated
charges and tortured or otherwise ill treated.”[24]
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3.
Awami League and progressives avow
secularism but often disregard the rule of law and liberal values
Awami League and
its supporters appear to the outside world as liberal and democratic. Yet their
actions within the country are sometimes quite illiberal, exemplified by the
way in which the International Crimes Tribunal has been pursued; undermining
fundamental principles of justice and the rule of law.
Self described secular liberals who
predominantly direct the Bangladesh offices of reputable international
organisations have used their positions to issue inaccurate and biased
statements in the names of these organisations.
Case
Study: International Press Institute and Transparency International
The Dhaka office of the International Press Institute
(IPI) recently issued a statement which accused Jamaat-e-Islami of
attacking journalists and media organisations in Bangladesh on Friday, 22 February
2013.[25]
The IPI statement was released within hours of a protest by large post Friday
prayer crowds made up of a number of different opposition groups, so there
would have been no way of ascertaining that the attacks on journalists were
carried out by members of Jamaat-e-Islami. The IPI statement quotes the
vice-chairman of the International IPI’s Executive Board Mr. Bulbul Monjurul
Ahsan, a stalwart of the Awami League party. Mr Bulbul Monjurul Ahsan was reported
in The Daily Star, on Tuesday 26th January leading a rally demanding
death by hanging of those convicted by the ICT.
Transparency
International Bangladesh has been used as a platform to issue a statement[26] demanding the death penalty for
one of the ICT accused, Qader Molla, and in another statement[27] to allege that Jamaat-e-Islami
is responsible for violence in the ongoing protests. Clearly neither of the
above statements fall within the remit of Transparency International, and
ironically it appears that an organisation which is supposed to uncover corrupt
use of public resources and institutions, is itself misused to advocate a
partisan and untenable position, as the ICT undermines many principles of
justice.
4.
Persecution
of minorities
The
recent EU statement places the
unsubstantiated statistic of 900,000 Hindus who have apparently migrated from
Bangladesh since 2001, in the context of minority persecution, implying that
Islamic political parties are mainly responsible. All the main parties have condemned the attacks, and
Jamaat-e-Islami has in a statement[28]
responded to the allegations. It has also denied involvement[29] and has instructed its members to guard temples and help prevent such
attacks.[30]
Over the past four years the evidence of news
reports[31] as well as the plethora of cases[32], documented in detail by
human rights organisations[33] overwhelmingly reveals
that most of the cases of minority persecution which can be attributed to those
affiliated to a political party, have been carried out by members and groups
belonging to the ruling Awami League party.
A spokesperson for the Bangladeshi Hindu community in the
UK, Mr Biplab Kumar Podda, has stated that those affiliated to authoritarian Bangladeshi
government in the past have commonly taken advantage of their powerful position
to oppress religious minorities. He further states that it is unlikely that
Jamaat-e-Islami and Shibir are involved in persecuting minorities as they
themselves are struggling under government harassment, and would be unable to
organise such an offensive.[34]
In contrast to his considered
experiential account, The Economist states, without providing evidence or
sources, that “Jamaat has been behaving more like an insurgency than a
political party. “Thugs have used children as human shields, attacked Hindu
homes and temples and hacked policemen to death.”[35]
There is now many footage showing children caught up in crowds running away from police fire; it is
extraordinary that the deaths of children shot by security forces can be
portrayed as the Jamaat use of children as human shields.
One of the
Jamaar-e-Islami leaders accused in the ICT, Sayedee has been twice elected as
an MP in Pirojpor an area which is 30% non-Muslim. As he is one of a handful of
Jamaat MPs elected, the non-Muslim vote is an important one for
Jamaat-e-Islami. Many of Sayedee’s speeches contain preaching on communal
harmony and strongly encourage Muslims to look after Hindu neighbours.
The
influence of partisan media and politics on minority witness statements
There are only a
handful of witness statements asserting that individuals attending “Jamaat
rallies” have carried out the attacks on minorities, and in fact no named
Jamaat or Shibir member has yet been implicated. We must remember the highly
charged climate in Bangladesh, where a number of Hindu witnesses have
alleged in interviews [36] that the
International Crimes Tribunal prosecution have tried to induce them to give
false witness against Sayedee. The subsequent abduction of one of these
witnesses has been the subject of an HRW report
[37] as well as a report[38] by the Bar Human
Rights Committee for England and Wales. It is not unreasonable to imagine that
similar pressures and/or partisan political affiliations may have come into
play in the allegations against Jamaat by victims and those who purport to
speak for them.
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Case Studies: Jamaat blamed for attacks on Hindus and
other minorities whilst majority of cases have been carried out by Awami
League members
Human rights auditor Odhikar reported in January 2013
that:
“On September 29, 2012, 12 Buddhist monasteries and temples
and 40 houses belonging to members of the Buddhist community were vandalised
and torched by criminals with the help of local leaders of the ruling
party in Ramu of Cox’s Bazaar…Local Buddhist monks alleged that “those
people who led the attacks and processions are roaming around. However,
innocent people are being arrested.” The responsible police officers of Cox’s
Bazaar also admitted this to the daily Prothom Alo. They said, there is a
restriction to arrest leaders and activists of the ruling party, that
came from the ‘top levels’.”[39]
However, in the immediate aftermath of the attacks, the
government and so-called secular and liberal civil society establishments
were quick to blame Jamaat-e-Islami. On 22 December 2012, “A group of eminent
citizens, comprising 15 academics, writers and human rights activists, have called
for a convention to resist the "communal,
fundamentalist and militant forces" in the country … and to protest
against the "heinous attacks" on the Buddhist community in Ramu
Upazila of Cox's Bazar district and its adjoining areas, and the violent
activities carried out across the country to foil the ongoing trial of the
"war criminals"”[40]
On 13 December 2012, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s
Press Secretary denied that the persons involved in the brutal killing of
Biswajit Das on 9 December 2012 were Chatra League activists[41] even
though the incident was caught on video camera.[42] This caused much anger amongst the Hindu community,
who remonstrated the government for attempting to shift the blame away from
the Awami League members. On 5 March 2013, twenty one members of Chatra
League were indicted in connection with Biswajit’s killing.[43]
Amadershomoy, a Banagldeshi
daily, reports on 19 March, ‘Hindu leader
Kajol Debonath said that Hindu people are tortured and forced to leave the
country in order to seize their property.
He accused the government activists Awami League for involvement in
these crimes. An Assam influential
daily newspaper named “Jugsukkow” published a report on this matter. Under
the heading “Hasina failed protecting Hindu people” the report states, with
reference to Gobindrochondro Pramanic, the Secretary General of Bangladesh
Hindu Grand Alliance, stated that Hindu people are being tortured and their
houses
are being burned and looted with a master plan to destroy their claim to 26
lac Acres of land.’[44]
Despite historical precedence and evidence to the contrary, Sultana Kamal, the chair
of Transparency International Bangladesh, has spearheaded a campaign to
blame Jamaat-e-Islami for the recent spate of attacks on minorities.[45]
However, on
17 March 2013, a statement[46] made by two different Hindu Temple committee
representatives, Nitta Gopal Muzamdar and Babu Shudep Mozumdar of Lokkhipur, in the presence of more than 100
representatives of the Hindu community, asserts that “although some media
have claimed that Jamaat/Shibir have been involved in the destruction of
temples, this is not actually the case”. A number of analysts in newspapers
which are normally very critical of Jamaat-e-Islami, have written[47] that the attacks on the minority community are being
carried out by members of the ruling party.
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Case studies: Minority
persecution over the past year by Awami League members and affiliates:
Rape of minority woman
by Awami League leader – Jan 2013
New Age reported how a local leader of
the Awami League, Mahfuzur Rahman, had allegedly raped a woman in the district
of Bagherhat, and then compelled her to leave the country.
Awami
League Men Occupied Church Asset of 300 million taka in Barishal – Sep 2012
Tension mounted at Barishal city
over occupation of Church asset worth 30 crore taka (300 million taka) by Khan
Sons Group, a leading industrial group, assisted by influential Awami League
leader and Commissioner of the area Shafiqul Alam Gulzar and hundreds of ruling
party men. The incident occurred at Baptist Mission Road. Khan Sons Group have
caused some 50 Christian families extreme anxiety by erecting a new boundary
wall enclosing the area. Meanwhile, Khan Sons Group claimed that they had
bought the land and had occupied it according to court directives. Information Source: Daily Jugantor, September 10, 2012; and
Daily Prothom Alo, September 11, 2012
Police
block minority Tribal festival – 9 August 2012
Festivals and colorful rallies
of International Indigenous Day have been foiled in at least three places by
police obstruction in Jaipurhat and Khagrachori district. The indigenous tribal
people alleged that police had beaten one indigenous tribal leader. General
Secretary of Bangladesh Adivashi Forum Sanjib Drong informed Prothom Alo that
police had barred tribal people from observing the international day. “The
indigenous people in Bangladesh have been observing the day for 15 years. In
the meantime, governments have changed. But no previous government obstructed
marking the day. It is a UN declared day and the Awami League government should
have observed the day.” said Sanjb Drong. Information
Source: Daily Prothom Alo;
August 10, 2012
Buddhist
temple vandalised by Awami League MP’s son
A 200 year old Buddhist temple
was vandalised and nearly 11 acres of its land was encroached upon by Rashed
Mohammad Ali, son of former Awami League Member of Parliament, Mohammad Ali,
and his associates. Information Source:
Odhikar report, Februray 2012
Awami League Leader
occupies land belonging to Christian family in Pabna – 30 July 2012
A local Awami League leader Chunnu Mia forcefully occupied land of
Sanjay Biswas in Pabna. Sanjay Biswas is a Christina. The minority family
became helpless and were not able to regain their land. Sons of Sanjay Biswas
went to their land but the occupiers threatened them and forced them out from
the land. Information Source: Kaler
Kantha,30 July, 2012
Awami
League leaders usurp land belonging to murdered Hindu journalist
Family members of murdered
journalist Goutam Das filed a general diary (GD) report at Vanga Police Station
in Faridpur district, alleging that Awami League leaders, the ruling party,
have appropriated land of the deceased journalist. The ruling party men have
also set up a local Party Office for Awami League. They have named it
‘Bangabandhu Club’, after the legacy of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founder of
Bangladesh. Information Source:
Daily Samakal and Daily Prothom Al; 27 February, 2012
Chattra
League leaders attack Ramna Temple
Chattra League leaders of
Jagannath Hall of Dhaka University carried out an attack at the 100 year old
Ramna Temple. The ruling party leaders were
Utpal Shaha, Pankaj Barai, Samir Guljar and Sujan Mandal. A number of activists
of the ruling party followed them. They went berserk at the temple, vandalized
property and idols of the temple and carried out looting. They also beat up the
caretaker of the temple Bipul Roy and his wife Ratna Roy. They looted two
hundred thousand taka of temple donation money. The victims said the ruling
party men carried the attack as the caretaker refused to pay them protection
money. Information Source: Daily
Amader Shomoy; 12 April, 2012.
Ruling
Awami League party members illegally occupy Indigenous tribal land at Tangail,
Madhupur
An influential group, backed by
the ruling party at Edilpur of Madhupur of Tangail have occupied at least ten
acre of the land belonged to indigenous communities. The village is the only
fruit producing village of the district. The land grabbers planned to construct
a brick kiln there, destroying the ecology of the area. Meanwhile, one of the
usurpers have already hanged sign board reading ‘this land belongs to Hena Auto
Bricks’. The villagers and indigenous people have protested against the land
grabbing and expected government attention to preserve the land for
environmental concerns. Information
Source: Daily Shamakal and Daily Prothom Alo, 15 September, 2012
More recently, it seems that
when the Awami League government has realised that the blame cannot be placed
on Jamaat and Shibir, they are beginning to arbitrarily point the finger of
blame elsewhere; the Secretary General of the ruling party, Ashraf, has
recently stated[48] that the opposition party, The
BNP is more responsible for these attacks because Jamaat is not in a
(organised) position to carry out such attacks.
5.
Repression of the opposition
The
recent EU statement [49] implies that
Jamaat-e-Islami members are mainly responsible for the violence and deaths that
have occurred over the past few weeks during the protests, and also suggested
that they are the main instigators too.
In contrast to the emphasis on violence created by
protestors, the excesses of the government law enforcement agencies when
dealing with the ongoing protests is now extensively publicised by the large
number of disturbing reports and footage circulating widely in social media,
and some mainstream media. Police violence on protestors precipitating violent
reaction include:
·
Police firing at
unarmed individuals at close range;
·
Police firing into
retreating crowds;
·
Police firing into
Mosques;
·
Police beating young
men who are begging for mercy;
·
Police beating
handcuffed men;
·
Police dragging
unarmed elderly prayer goers and beating them,
·
Police arresting
people who are in the middle of prayers
As commented upon by reputable human rights groups –
these actions of the government law enforcers has precipitated many
uncontrollable situations especially amongst post Friday-prayer crowds: Around
200 civilians have been shot dead by police since and thousands injured by
rubber and live bullets and beatings. The reaction of the crowds to police
action has often been confused, fierce, and sometimes very violent; 6 policemen
have died.
Police rewarded for violence
against opposition
Astonishingly,
the Home Minister in January 2013, awarded a medal to the commissioner of the police force commending him
for his brutal public physical attack on the chief whip of the opposition BNP
party.[50] The police have used
politically motivated arrests to their personal advantage, as a racketeering
opportunity and many victims have complained that the number of arbitrary arrests
has increased for this reason, and that they have had to pay large bribes to
the police to release their relatives.
Protestors are from
all sections of society and not just Islamic political parties
The extent and diversity of those participating in the anti-government
protests has not yet been properly noted by international observers. The main
18 party opposition alliance lead by the BNP, has been joined by multitudes of
ordinary Bangladeshis, expressing various grievances against the government in
the run up to the next elections. It is significant that traditionally nonpolitical
Sufi-inspired groups under a coalition of 12 organizations lead by the Hefazot
Islami group are also numerously involved. The government’s aggressive
activities have even been condemned by the leader of an ally within the ruling
coalition, Ershad, a former president of Bangladesh.[51]
There are many spontaneous protests against the Sayeede verdict, widely
seen as unjust and clearly exemplifying all the legal and procedural problems
with the ICT. Sayeede has huge popularity beyond the Jamaat-e-Islami; his
lectures regularly attracted crowds of 100k including many nonMuslim minorities;
audio/videos of his lectures are ubiquitous in Bangaldeshi households
throughout the world. Women in burka have conducted large protest marches
against the Sayedee verdict, a sight quite unprecedented in Bangladesh. In reality, many
protests have taken place after daily prayers or Friday prayers, the times when
most Bangladeshis wear traditional religious attire. Police actions and firing
at Mosques have precipitated many uncontrollable situations amongst post Friday
prayer crowds. Although the opposition to the government is quite diverse and
widespread, media and some international bodies have been quick to assume that
the sometimes violent reaction of protestors can mostly be attributed to
Islamic political parties, especially when the
protestors are dressed in religious clothing.
Record of political violence: 2012
Odhikar
has reported detailed case studies of political violence in Bangladesh
for over five years. The data shows that there has been continuous political
violence carried out by the Awami League and to a much lesser extent, the BNP, often
in intra party conflicts, over the past five years[52] In comparison there a handful of incidents and outbreaks
contained within short periods of time, attributed to Jamaat-e-Islami members.
Data
collated from the Odhikar “Human Rights Monitoring Reports January-November 2012” states:
152 persons were killed and 14949 injured
in political violence.
353 incidents of internal violence in the
Awami League and 136 in
the BNP
32 persons were killed and 4099 were injured in
internal conflicts of the Awami League while
8 were killed and 1536 were injured in BNP’s internal conflicts.”
Over the whole of 2012 there was no intra Jamaat/Shibir violence. 2 incidents of
political violence in total mentioned -in one incident 2 Shibir activists were
killed by Chatra League (ruling party). [53]
The
above figures do not include other categories of Human Rights abuses: Awami
League and Chatra League (ruling party) feature heavily in carrying out abuses
in partnership with law enforcement agencies, against minorities and other acts
of persecution related to land and property. Jamaat/Shibir are not mentioned at
all in any of these categories
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Case Study: Prime Minister Hasina announces vigilante committees
In March 2013, Prime Minister Hasina hazardously announced
extra-official and unaccountable vigilante “ anti-terror committees” to be
organised and manned by Awami League party members throughout the country. Khandaker Mosharraf
Hossain, a BNP Standing Committee member on Sunday 10th March
criticised Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina “for trying to “annihilate” the
BNP-led opposition 18-party alliance by ordering to form anti-terror
committees nationwide.” He further stated that “the government has failed to
keep the country’s law and order under control. Such committees will be
instruments to suppress and annihilate her political opponents instead of combating
terrorism.”[54]
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Removal of
the caretaker government:
In view of
upcoming elections in the next year, the Awami League government has also
removed the Caretaker Government system, which had previously ensured that
Bangladesh’s general elections are run under the auspices of a neutral
government.
Mass arrests
debilitate opposition
On 23 February
2013, cases were filed against 50,000 opposition members in one single day.
Many of those arrested have been tortured. Amnesty International has called
upon the government to stop the arbitrary arrests of opposition members.[55]
Banning political
parties
Sayeda Warsi, Senior UK Minister of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, stated during her recent visit to Bangladesh: “I don’t believe the banning of a political party is
the best way to actually achieve a winning in the battle of ideas.”[56]
One of the main demands of the Shahbag rally is to
remove ‘Islamic politics’ from every aspect of Bangladeshi society, including hospitals,
banks, charities and educational bodies. There is passionate sentiment
prevailing amongst many in the ruling establishment that those who subscribe to
‘Islamic faith’ guided politics such as the Jamat-e-Islami were against the very
birth of the nation and were on the side of those who committed atrocities on
the Bangladeshi people. Furthermore that overt religiosity is backward,
preventing Bangladesh from being progressive and moving forward in modern
times. However, the ideal of a secular state is being achieved using illiberal
and undemocratic methods.
The government has recently bought in legislation on
the back of the ICT trials, seeking to legally ban political parties, and even nonpolitical
organisations such as media or welfare instituitions, that are deemed to be non
secular, anti liberation or supporters of war criminals. Even individuals, who
are considered anti liberation or supporters of war criminals can be imprisoned
on the basis of being found to be in contempt of the ICT court.
There have been moves to ban
political parties by executive order too, if it can be proven that they are
carrying out anti state (anti national liberation) activities or violence
against minorities. Hence there have been concerted efforts to implicate
parties such as the Jamat-e-Islam and many individuals as anti liberation
traitors, ‘war criminals and collaborators. Furthermore, by holding them
responsible for anti state violence and violence against minorities.
The calls to ban
Islamic political parties is a symptom of an extreme and intolerant brand of
secularism that is undermining Bangladesh’s moderate traditions. Jamaat-e-Islami,
which has a sizeable following beyond those who vote for it, has historically maintained its
commitment to parliamentary democracy since its inception, and has successfully
held ministerial positions without acting in any way to undermine democratic
ideals or political plurality in the past.
The impact
of disabling the organisational capacity of Jamaat-e-Islami and removing the moderating
influence of the senior leadership from the political arena
For almost
three years, the top most leaders as well as a whole tier of top and mid-level
leaders of Jamaat-e-Islami throughout the country have been imprisoned, or so
significantly harassed that they have been unable to function as an
organisation, hold meetings or even communicate. This has had predictable
results on the law and order situation in the past few weeks, as lower level
party supporters are largely conducting themselves without the moderating influence
that the Jamaat-e-Islami senior leadership, organisational discipline
and decision making process has exerted over them in the past.
6. Government supporting the Shahbag rally, and incitement to
religious hatred
Some
of the bloggers leading the Shahbag have produced text and pictures in their
blogs which derogate and abuse, sometimes in pornographic terms, the central
components and personalities of the Islamic faith. In addition, those who subscribe to a public expression
of the Islamic faith have been targeted in abusive and threatening language,
with calls that can be described as incitement to religious hatred to
‘eliminate’ them from Bangladeshi soil. The government has polarised the
ordinary public by expressing unconditional support for the Shahbag rally, and
indeed the government and the Shahbag seem to be working in a mutually
beneficial manner.
The controversial bloggers who had been left
undisturbed for many years, appear to the public to have been promoted to the
central stage of the country by the Bangladesh government. It has come as a
shock to many Bangladeshis that the government of a Muslim majority nation can advocate
as leaders of the nation, people with these abusive and inflammatory campaigns.
The government’s support for the Shahbag in these circumstances has predictably
alienated a vast group of people, and has been the recipe for much unrest,
attracting protestors from all sections of Bangladeshi society.
Conclusion:
To avoid civil conflict, the way forward is for the trials
to be removed from the fraught and partisan domestic political arena and
reconstituted under the supervision of impartial international legal bodies.
Only then can the wounds of the 1971 liberation war be truly healed. Unfair
trials and politically motivated vengeance is creating new wounds that are
dangerously bringing Bangladesh to the brink of unpredictable civil conflict.
The Awami League government needs to stop the
wholesale persecution of opposition, which is causing such widespread reaction
and conflict. The Islamic political parties that subscribe to democratic values
and practices must be allowed to function in Bangladesh. The support given by
the “secular liberal” establishment to the Awami League government’s effort to
deny this space to Islamic politics is empowering the government to carry out
massive repression and persecution, which has already resulted in enormous
bloodshed.
[1]
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S8pAK00Dk0U
[2]
http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/03/01/bangladesh-end-violence-over-war-crimes-trials
[3]
https://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=_teXF_4OhGQ
http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=9Jao8KNfQTc
[4]
http://www.icj.org/bangladesh-international-crimes-tribunal-should-pursue-justice-not-vengeance/
[5]
http://www.thefinancialexpress-bd.com/index.php?ref=MjBfMDNfMTlfMTNfMV8zXzE2MzczOA==
[6]
http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/02/14/bangladesh-post-trial-amendments-taint-war-crimes-process
[7]
http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/02/14/bangladesh-post-trial-amendments-taint-war-crimes-process
[8]
http://www.odhikar.org/documents/2013/HRR_2013/02%20human-rights-monitoring-monthly-report-feb-2013-eng.pdf
[9]
http://bdnews24.com/bangladesh/2013/03/16/she-didnt-want-free-bangladesh-pm
[10]
http://newagebd.com/detail.php?date=2012-11-27&nid=31476#.UT8tbtZA1Bo
[11]
http://www.albd.org/english/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=605:ashulia-factory-fire-pre-planned-pm-sheikh-hasina-at-the-parliament
[12]
http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/02/01/bangladesh-government-backtracks-rights
[13]
http://www.thedailystar.net/beta2/news/father-mayor-point-finger-at-osman-family/
[14]
http://shahbagmovement.com/six-point-charter/
[15]
https://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=FjCc3LTLBxM#!
[16]https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?v=10151316988753935&set=vb.407671909302782&type=2&theater
[17]
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?v=502630689772572
[18]
http://www.odhikar.org/documents/2013/HRR_2013/02%20human-rights-monitoring-monthly-report-feb-2013-eng.pdf
[19]
http://amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA13/002/2013/en/518ef946-99b8-4c19-b6ff-6f2478343079/asa130022013en.pdf
[20]
http://www.odhikar.org/documents/2013/HRR_2013/01_HRR_Jan_EN_2013.pdf
[21]
http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/02/14/bangladesh-post-trial-amendments-taint-war-crimes-process
[22]
http://www.odhikar.org/documents/2013/HRR_2013/02%20human-rights-monitoring-monthly-report-feb-2013-eng.pdf
[23]
http://www.odhikar.org/documents/2013/HRR_2013/02%20human-rights-monitoring-monthly-report-feb-2013-eng.pdf
[24]
http://amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA13/002/2013/en/518ef946-99b8-4c19-b6ff-6f2478343079/asa130022013en.pdf
[25]
http://www.freemedia.at/home/singleview/article/bangladesh-islamist-groups-attack-journalists-and-press-clubs-across-the-country.html
[26]
http://www.ti-bangladesh.org/index.php/press-release/826-tib-frustrated-at-the-verdict-against-abdul-quader-molla
[27]
http://www.ti-bangladesh.org/index.php/press-release/839-21-eminent-citizens-condemn-jamaat-shibir-violence
[28]
http://www.dailynayadiganta.com/new/?p=132607
[29]
http://www.jamaat-e-islami.org/en/newsdetails.php?nid=Njg2
[30]
http://bdinn.com/news/shibir-guards-temples/
[31]
http://newagebd.com/detail.php?date=2013-01-05&nid=35749#.UTy1tdZA1Bo
[32]
http://deshrights.org/attacks-on-minorities-as-unrest-rise-in-bangladesh/
[33]
http://www.odhikar.org/press.html
[34]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Jrsb8HYfcUg
[35]
http://www.economist.com/news/asia/21573150-flawed-tribunal-opens-old-wounds-and-threatens-bangladeshs-future-nation-divided
[36]
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DaCBP0XlYnA
[37]
http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/11/13/bangladesh-investigate-alleged-abduction-war-crimes-witness
[38]https://www.barhumanrights.org.uk/sites/default/files/documents/news/bhrc_statement_on_the_international_criminal_tribunal_in_bangladesh_ict.pdf
[39]
http://www.odhikar.org/documents/2013/HRR_2013/01_HRR_Jan_EN_2013.pdf
[40]
http://mobile-us.bdnews24.com/details.php?id=238624&cid=2s
[41]http://www.banglanews24.com/English/detailsnews.php?nssl=1626d969f31b5823f1707834c5a403aa&nttl=2012121359736
[42]
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DyeUgMnsD7I
[43]
http://www.unbconnect.com/component/news/task-show/id-105940
[44]
http://www.amadershomoy2.com/content/2013/03/19/middle0648.htm
[45]
http://vimeo.com/61007009
[46]
http://www.dailynayadiganta.com/new/?p=141200
[47]
http://www.amadershomoy2.com/content/2013/03/17/middle0847.htm
[48]
http://www.dailynayadiganta.com/new/?p=140702
[49]
http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?pubRef=-%2F%2FEP%2F%2FNONSGML%2BMOTION%2BP7-RC-2013-0133%2B0%2BDOC%2BPDF%2BV0%2F%2FEN
[50]
http://bdnews24.com/bangladesh/2013/01/22/harun-rewarded-for-beating-farroque
[51]
http://www.thefinancialexpress-bd.com/index.php?ref=MjBfMDNfMTNfMTNfMV8zXzE2MzA0NQ%3D%3D
[52]
http://www.odhikar.org/reports.html
[53]
http://www.odhikar.org/documents/2012/HRR_2012/09_HRR_Jan_Sep_EN_2012.pdf
[54]
http://www.theindependentbd.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=159337:bnp-blasts-pm-for-trying-to-annihilate-opposition-thru-anti-terror-bodies&catid=187:online-edition&Itemid=223
[55]
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA13/005/2010/en/b15336a2-886a-4882-8d65-873712bd8d61/asa130052010en.html
[56]
http://unbconnect.com/component/news/task-show/id-104688
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